Confucianism: Offerings for Educational Leadership

J. Mallory West Georgia College

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"Bonus dux bonum reddit comitem." -- Erasmus

 

             If those of us concerned with educational leadership agree with Henry Ford that "[h]istory is bunk" (Peter, 1977, p. 243), we stop right here.  We admit that the past has nothing to teach us. There is no example for us to follow.  If, on the other hand, we believe that Ford's attitude is not only ignorant but dangerously ignorant, and agree with Oliver Wendell Holmes that "[a] page of history is worth a volume of logic" (Peter, 1977, p. 243),  we would search the past widely and avidly to learn not only how to avoid its failures but how to apply its successes to our present endeavors.  And we would not limit ourselves strictly to the field of educational administration, especially when we discover that ". . . theory in educational administration is lacking in maturity and refinement and scholars have done little to help practitioners understand and use it" (Kimbough & Nunnery, 1988, p. 251).  Moreover, we would do well to look to the past all the more actively if we admit with Abbot (1969) that we in education ". . . do not necessarily live in the best of all possible organizational worlds [and that] we must display creativity in devising some type of organizational arrangement which will serve the type of institution in which we work . . . [i]f we are to break out of the strait jacket in which we now find ourselves" (p. 49).

             The question, then, is where in history the educational leader can find a "system" that has application to the public school of today.  Ideally, this system  would instruct the educational leader in his function within the organization. In addition, it would inform the leader of the proper attitude he should have toward his role and toward his subordinates, as well as the attitude they should have toward each other.  Furthermore, our historical system would be compatible with the values of the larger society in which any school exists.  Finally, it would be not only theoretically solid but would have proven itself sound in practice, preferably long practice.    

             Although many might smile derisively at advocacy of the teachings of Confucius as such a model for effective helmsmanship, this body of ancient Chinese knowledge provides comprehensive and eminently viable guidance for the modern leader seeking some alternative to the miscreancy of Machiavellianism and its cousins, which philosophies, one might persuasively argue, pervade our schools; for, as Abbot (1969) concludes, they exhibit "many of the characteristics and employ many of the strategies of the military, industrial, and governmental agencies with which [they] might be compared" (p. 45).  More particularly, in its emphasis on learning, filial piety, and leadership through example, Confucianism gives tested offerings to anyone charged with directing a public school.  The large body of what Confucius had to say about harmonious governance of a state may be used to the betterment of educational institutions.

             Of particular interest to the educational leader, "Confucius was probably the first teacher in history to start a school for commoners," and he believed "it is the duty of the ruler to educate the gifted poor" so that they might use their "superior endowment and character [to] become leaders of government" (McCasland, 1969, p. 617).  This attitude toward the poor may have arisen from conditions Confucius knew as a child, for according to (Runes, 1960, p. 62) he was born the eleventh child to a common family, and his father died when he was about three years old, leaving the family rather impoverished.  Whatever the basis of his belief that merit should be the major criterion of leadership, it stands in contrast to Abbot's (1969) observation that modern ". . . hierarchal positions tend to be filled, not on the basis of technical competence alone, but also on the basis of the ability to create the right impressions [italics added], those of busyness, loyalty, sound judgment, and so on. To assure adequate control, therefore, such positions tend to be filled by the sponsorship system" (p. 48).

             Furthermore as regards education, Confucius was "demanding as a teacher" (McCasland, 1969, p. 616), and he "made the profession of a teacher the most honorable calling to which a person could aspire, . . . [laying] great stress on knowledge as leading to virtue and on virtue as leading to propriety" (Yutang, 1942, p. 862).  The aim of education, then, was not to endow the student with practical skill or specialization but to "develop the moral nature of the man . . . for the development of the good life rather than as something to be gained for its own sake" (McCasland, 1969, p. 620).  In addition, as Campbell (1962) states, that ". . . descent and worth are not genealogical but moral. . . is a point that is eminently Confucian" (p. 387).  Indeed, Confucius' devotion to education was total, for he explains, "As for unwavering effort to learn and unflagging patience in teaching others, those are merits I do not hesitate to claim" (Confucius, 1938, p. 130).  The educational leader would do well to aspire to Confucius' level of reverence to personal learning and to students, as well as his deep respect for teachers.

             Confucius' ideas about proper government also are extremely pertinent to the educational leader.  Most importantly, Confucius, believing that "historically the state had grown out of the institutions of the family" (Hayes and Hanscom, 1968, p. 305),  held that "love is a fundamental principle of life" (McCasland, 1969, p. 626) and that people are "at heart good" (Noss, 1969, p. 287).  He was ". . . a humanist [who] found the secret of life in men and their better relationships" (Noss, 1969, p. 276).  In addition, the Master said, "Moral force never dwells in solitude; it will always have neighbors" (Confucius, 1938, p. 106), meaning that the "good" leader can expect a moral "trickle-down effect" on subordinates. Furthermore, the Master said, "The essence of the gentleman is that of the wind; the essence of small people is that of grass.  And when a wind passes over the grass, it cannot but bend" (Confucius, 1938, p. 168).  When asked by a disciple about government, "[t]he Master said, Lead them; encourage them!  [The disciple] asked for a future maxim.  The Master said, Untiringly" (Confucius, 1938, p. 171)  Also, Confucius obviously placed much faith in the abilities of his subordinates, for he advised one minister, "Get as much as possible done first by your subordinates" (Confucius, 1938, p. 171).

             McCasland (1969) points out that Confucius "understood government in terms of rulers and officials, not of institutions," and he believed "[g]overnment under the leadership of good men was the key to the solution of problems of the state" (p. 621).  The desirable life, he believed is not achieved by law but was rather a matter  of spirit; the well ordered state  cannot be brought into existence through legislation but "grows out of a contagious spirit of good will and earnestness in well-doing.  Love or cooperative good will make laws unnecessary" (Noss, 1969,  p. 287).  Furthermore, although Confucius' culture did not permit him to know of democracy, "he did demand that government be for if not by the people and that feudal lords be responsible for the needs of the people at large" (Noss, 1969, p. 285).  Indeed, according to Ballou (1944), while he was chief justice of his home state of Lu (present-day Shantung), his "deep-seated conviction [was] that the function of government was not the accumulation of revenue and the increase of power but rather the welfare of the people (p. 487).

             Among the implications here for educational leaders are that the person in charge of a school will likely provide the attitudinal orientation subordinates will take and that the school functions best when its leader recognizes fully the needs of all who participate in it.                         Indeed, Abbot (1969) has pointed out that it is well within the power of leaders in bureaucratic organizations to "decide the form of the organization, to determine the personnel to be employed, to initiate activities, to set goals for sub-units, to assign activities, to confer jurisdictions, to determine the agenda of meetings, and to settle conflicts" (p. 47).  If the "traditional" leader has all of these powers, then it would seem he could, as Confucius advocates, bestow much of them on his subordinates.  Furthermore, Halpin (1969) maintains that "[t]he behavior of the leader and the behavior of the group are inextricably interwoven" (p.  287), and Pfeiffer and Dunlap (1972) cite research done by Lewin, Lippit, and White that indicates the higher motivation, originality, and group orientation fostered by democratic leadership (p. 128), thus lending credence to the Confucian devotion to the needs of the governed.

             In addition, Pfeiffer and Dunlap (1972) have observed that, among other things,  "[e]ncouraging teacher leadership requires that the supervisor model effective behavior and teach appropriate skills" (p. 130), a confirmation of the Confucian idea of leadership by example.  Furthermore, in concordance with Confucius' belief that people are basically good, Pfeiffer and Dunlap (1982) maintain that "[i]n education . . . the goals demand that supervisors subscribe to and pursue [McGregor's] Theory Y assumptions" (p. 129).  Also, Abbot (1969) has pointed out that "the school organization has made extensive use of Weber's principle of impersonality in organizational relationships" (p. 45).  Thus, there is much room in the schools for the love of people that plays such a central role in Confucianism.

             An idea that may be rather difficult for Westerners but that is essential for the understanding of Confucianism and thus for the implementation of any Confucian system is the idea that the individual exists in what might be called an "ecological" relationship with other people and the rest of creation.  The Confucianist believes that in the immediate past his body has come down to him from his ancestors through his parents, and he believes that at some time in the distant past there was an "undifferentiated 'primal force (ch'i)' which divided into two, the yin and the yang [which] then created the triad -- Heaven, earth, and man -- which in turn created the myriad creatures" (de Bary, 1969, p. 180).  Confucius believed that this Cosmic Order could not be known except through attainment of li, which means "'propriety,' 'courtesy,' 'reverence,' 'rites and ceremonies,' 'the correct forms of social ceremony,' 'ritual,' 'ritual and music,' 'the due order of public ceremony,' 'the ideal standard of social and religious conduct,' 'the religious and moral way of life,' . . . [and] 'ideal social order with everything in its place, and particularly a rationalized feudal order.'" (Noss, 1969, p. 282).  Li ordered and regulated the five human relationships, which are those between "ruler and subject, father and son, husband and wife, the oldest son and his younger brothers, and elders and juniors (or friends) . . .with the goal . . . to obtain a cosmic harmony between men, earth, and heaven, and thus put into actual operation among men the Tao or the will of heaven" (Noss, 1969, p. 283).  In the belief that the revered ancients lived in complete harmony and courtesy in a profoundly just social order through observance of li, rulers should, Confucius said, "govern in terms of li instead of law.  Li involves a personal relationship, whereas law is impersonal" (McCasland, Cairns, & Yu, 1969, p. 619).  The idea was that the leader , through right emotion, would touch the hearts of his subjects, thereby giving them confidence in the government.  Law, he said, is merely force and does not appeal to the will of the people.  Furthermore, although Confucius accepted the importance of ritual, he felt that it is the inner attitude of the worshiper which makes the ritual meaningful; its outward display is unimportant.  Hence he condemned pompous ceremony (McCasland, Cairns, & Lu, 1969, p. 619).

 

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